By SATENDRA NANDAN
Dr Satendra Nandan is a distinguished Fijian academic and writer.He was a member of the Bavadra cabinet in 1987 and of Fiji’s Constitution Commission, 2012. He lives in Canberra and travels frequently to his ancestral village in Nadi. He has written a series of books featuring Fiji and Fijian issues.
2013 will be remembered for many events but none more remarkable than the death, at 95, of Nelson Mandela( 1918-2013). Mandela had become a mandala in the minds of many in our contemporary world that has so many mediocre leaders leading their nations. He stood out like a cathedral surrounded by pubs.
Many were present at his funeral– the sheepish in sheep’s clothing: Government representatives whose previous leaders had supported apartheid and its ugly survival for decades.
There’s no limit to human hypocrisy but luckily our humanity is also limitless. And a single person can change the landscape in most radical ways often for the better.
Symbol
Mandela symbolised in his personality the best in human character, compassion and a creative approach to political developments based on the philosophy of meliorism: That is, the capacity within individuals to shape and form better human and humane societies wherever they live.
To free a people from the groans of history. History may repeat itself but sadly historians do that more often.
Mandela brought to his adversaries one man’s nobility and magnanimity : “ If you want peace with your enemy”, he said, “you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.”
Thus spoke the greatest African ever with a heart full of forgiveness and a vision of the future. History can be servitude; it can also be freedom. He made that terrible South African darkness visible and a bright future possible.
By any standard it was a rare and inspiring achievement for a country that had become a suppurating sore in the very soul of Africa. Compare him with some of the current African leaders and his actions become more extraordinary and amazing.
On the day of his official funeral, I attended the International Human Rights Day at the National Library of Australia. One may note in passing that yesterday’s penal colony has become one of the freest societies—Canberra celebrated its centenary last year and passed a law legalising same-sex marriage.
But it is only in 1967 that the Aboriginal people were given rights to be regarded as citizens of the new nation. And this year Australia is embarking on a larger journey of making the First Australians part of the Australian constitution.
It will be a long and difficult exercise for a people caught in colonial conquests in a year where the 100th anniversary of the first World War is being commemorated—the war that unravelled the futility and hegemony of imperialism and gave birth to Nazism, Hitler and the Holocaust. The great empires become rubbles in the intestines of time.
But a few ideas do remain in the ruins of Empires.
Anniversaries
2013 had also significant anniversary : it was the 150 anniversary of the Gettysburg Address given on November 19,1863, by the sixteenth President of the US, Abraham Lincoln, (1809-1865). The dedication to the Union dead, soldiers who had died in July, is barely 266 words.
It is really the dedication of a cemetery to the dead but out of it emerged America’s most famous speech ever delivered. In the midst of a civil war, Lincoln’s heart was full of healing the wounds of a nation.
In that memorable speech, the phrase that caught my imagination is ” a new birth of freedom”.
Of course its last soaring words are—“and the government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth”. Often repeated but seldom followed even in the United States. Ask President Barrack Obama and he will tell the story of his struggle for the people in what is often described as the greatest democracy.
But the astonishing truth is that but for Abe Lincoln, Barrack Obama would have been an impossibility. Just as for Mohandas Gandhi in South Africa, we’d have had a different quality Mandela.
Words are vital for any people and they give vitality to ideals by which men and women live and even perish. And nothing is more powerful than a human example who make seemingly impossible, practicably possible.
2014 Fiji significance
This year 2014 has a special significance for Fiji –new elections will be held on a new constitution, adopted in September 2013. Elections are due before 30 September 2014.
The present Fiji constitution contains some of the most fundamental and profound ideals on which a free and democratic Fiji may be created.
If at Gettysburg Lincoln talked of a “ new birth of freedom’, can one say this year can be “a new birth of Fiji” as a nation?
Lincoln begins his speech with “four score and seven”—that is 87. In 1987 Fiji went through its racist coups and political turmoil created by the trusted leaders. Fiji hasn’t fully recovered—it has deformed our humanity as a people for at least a generation.
87, I believe, has biblical resonance; certainly in cricket it’s an unlucky number. The present England team will vouchsafe for that.
And the South Pacific region generally kept its shameful silence because they saw the coups in racial terms.
Abraham’s speech
Abe Lincoln’s speech can be interpreted as an epiphany of birth, death and rebirth.
We’ve just celebrated Christmas and welcomed a new year. We may understand the meaning of that transition and transformation through our national and personal suffering. But also our abiding faith in what we can do together.
Lincoln’s brief speech is dedicated not only to the soldiers who made the supreme sacrifice to preserve the Union but more importantly to the living and the ideal that all men are created equal.
Imagine if the drafters of the constitution had said only all white men were created equal. Or only the Christians?
Even as the founding fathers were writing the Declaration of Independence in their log-cabins, they were owners of slaves who lived just below them. And not a few were lovers.
But in a moment of blinding clarity they saw beyond themselves. All men are created equal—men here is used in its generic sense although in our modern politically correct parlance we will now say all men and women are created equal. This today is non-negotiable and a self-evident truth; essential and integral to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
This is the most momentous expression in the American Declaration. Its magnificence has inspired generations, and not only in the US. That is why we call America the greatest democracy in the world. And like all democracies, at times, messy, even crazy, exasperating and exalting.
Lincoln was fighting a civil war above all to preserve the Union of the States. But the timeless idea of equality —equality of citizenship irrespective of any defining criteria of colour or origin, race or religion, slave or master; and freedom from human slavery—the shameful invention of man for thousands of years.
Lincoln had implacable enemies and was finally assassinated like Gandhi. Nelson Mandela died in his sleep.
It is said that Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg address is the best short speech since the Sermon on the Mount:
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow—this ground. The brave men living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from those honoured dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave their last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Our Constitution and the Gettysburg dedication should, I think, be part of our curriculum in senior forms where education is now genuinely free.